Preface. The Significance of Inerrancy for a World the Bible Did Not Know
This essay enters the Supplementary Series as a necessary reconstruction of the historical, comparative, and theological forces that shaped the idea of biblical inerrancy. It stands alongside earlier studies that examined the Semitic pantheons, the development of Israelite religion, the profound impact of Mesopotamian literature upon the Hebrew Bible, and the complex redactional processes through which Israel’s scriptures emerged. Yet this essay addresses a distinctively modern issue: the doctrine of inerrancy itself.
The project requires a long view. The biblical texts we now read were born in worlds governed by oral tradition, cultic ritual, regional deities, and overlapping cosmologies. These were worlds without printing presses, without standardized texts, without modern concepts of literal accuracy or historical construction, and without the epistemological anxieties that would later engulf Western religious consciousness. Inerrancy - understood as the belief that the Bible is wholly without error in its original autographs, and often extended to current translations - belongs to none of these ancient worlds. It is a conceptual artifact of much later intellectual conditions.
To understand why the doctrine of inerrancy could arise at all, one must understand the cultural environment of the ancient Near East, the gradual formation of Yahwism, the theological diversity of Second Temple Judaism, the interpretive plurality of early Christianity, and the hermeneutical shifts of the medieval and Enlightenment periods. Only then does the doctrine reveal its true contours: not as ancient orthodoxy but as a modern attempt to secure certainty in a world where certainty itself has always been precarious.
Yet the aim of this essay is not merely historical. It also stands within a broader project - a metamodern, process-theological reframing of revelation, sacred text, and religious imagination. If earlier essays sought to map the evolution of deities, cosmologies, and canonical traditions, this one seeks to clarify the limits of certain modern doctrines that obscure the Bible’s dynamic, processual nature. Inerrancy, when misunderstood as the essence of biblical authority, not only distorts the historical record but inhibits contemporary theological creativity. It attempts to stabilize what was always fluid, to flatten what was always layered, and to freeze what was always in motion.
In this sense, the history of inerrancy becomes a lens through which to view the broader dynamics of recent religious development. It accentuates the broad differences between ancient and modern epistemologies; highlights the adaptive vitality of the biblical tradition; and ultimately invites a more relational, evolutionary understanding of revelation - one consonant with both historical scholarship and process thought.
This essay therefore proceeds from the ancient to the modern, following the long arc of scriptural formation and reinterpretation. It begins with the worlds that produced the biblical texts - worlds that neither expected, nor imagined, a perfect, error-free scripture. It then traces Israel’s theological evolution, the profound influence of Mesopotamian myth and literature upon the Hebrew tradition, the redactional artistry that gave the Bible its polyphonic character, and the interpretive diversity that shaped Judaism and Christianity through Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Only after this long journey does the essay address the modern invention of inerrancy and its peculiar role in Protestant fundamentalism. Finally, it concludes with a process-theological reconstruction that seeks not to dismiss scripture but to recover its deeper significance as an evolving conversation between God and humanity.
I. The Ancient World Did Not Produce “Inerrant” Texts
Modern readers instinctively approach the Bible as though it were a static, uniform, and meticulously preserved document. This expectation is shaped by modern intellectual habits: the ubiquity of print culture, the scientific valorization of precision, and a post-Enlightenment desire for certainty amid shifting cultural landscapes. Yet such expectations are entirely foreign to the ancient Near Eastern world in which the biblical literature emerged. Antiquity was governed not by fixed texts but by living traditions. Stories circulated orally and were retold in local dialects with local inflections; myths were revised to meet new political circumstances; and theological claims often contradicted one another without provoking anxiety.
Most importantly, ancient cultures did not understand “truth” as verbal precision, nor did they imagine that divine revelation required unchanging formulations. Rather, divine revelation was woven into ritual, memory, mythic imagination, and communal identity. A text served the tradition; it did not define the tradition. To think of scripture as perfect in any modern sense would have appeared strange, if not entirely incomprehensible, to the cultures that produced it.
The earliest stages of Israelite religion arose within a West Semitic environment characterized by overlapping pantheons, regionally distinct cults, and shifting political fortunes. The gods of the Levant- El, Baal, Asherah, Astarte, and others catalogued in the Semitic Gods Lists - formed a shared religious vocabulary. Yahweh, initially a regional warrior deity, participated in this broader divine ecology. Israel did not emerge from this world as a monotheistic exception but as one variant within a vibrant and diverse religious landscape. The notion that Israel’s earliest theology was unified, pristine, or insulated from surrounding traditions is unsupported by the historical record.
As Israel coalesced into a distinct identity, its religious traditions remained fluid. Oral lore, local cultic expressions, and regional myths circulated freely. Even when written texts began to appear, they did not function as fixed authorities but as repositories of dynamic cultural memory. Scribes were not neutral copyists. They were interpreters, theologians, and political agents who adapted older stories to newer contexts. Variants were not errors; they were opportunities for reinterpretation.
In this respect, the Bible begins not as a single book but as a patchwork of narratives, laws, poems, genealogies, and prophetic oracles - each shaped by local concerns and transmitted through multiple channels. The presence of discrepancies, doublets, and tensions within the canon is not evidence of textual corruption but testimony to the living, evolving nature of Israel’s religious imagination.
To speak of “inerrancy” in such a world is essentially an anachronism which doesn't fit with the bible's construction. The ancient world did not conceptualize perfection in this way, nor did it seek the kinds of uniformity modern doctrines require. The Bible’s earliest materials emerged in a milieu that assumed multiplicity rather than singularity, revision rather than fixity, and interpretive freedom rather than verbal exactitude. The very conditions that made these texts possible preclude the later idea that they were ever inerrant in the modern sense.
Indeed, once we recognize the fundamentally plural, adaptive, and evolving character of the ancient world, it becomes clear that any responsible theological reading must also adopt a framework capable of honoring this dynamism. A process-based perspective becomes not a modern imposition but an interpretive necessity, for only a relational and evolutionary account of revelation can make sense of a scripture produced through centuries of revision, reinterpretation, and communal discernment. Revelation in the ancient world was not conceived as a single, timeless deposit but as an unfolding encounter between a living deity and a living people - an interaction mediated through memory, ritual, failure, innovation, and the ever-shifting historical conditions of Israel’s existence. A static doctrine such as inerrancy collapses under the weight of this complexity, whereas a processual model of inspiration preserves both the human diversity and the divine continuity woven throughout the biblical tradition. It allows one to speak meaningfully of God’s presence in scripture without denying the historical conditions under which that scripture arose.
This foundational recognition of inerrancy's shortcomings and Israel's movement within the ANE cultic environment sets the stage for understanding the next layer of complexity: the polytheistic and henotheistic matrix of early Israel, within which Yahwistic identity gradually took shape and the biblical tradition slowly crystallized. It is to this world that we now turn.
II. The Polytheistic and Henotheistic Milieu of Early Israel
Early Israelite religion was not born in a vacuum. It developed within a cultural landscape populated by many deities, each with long-established cultic traditions and deeply rooted mythological structures. The Semitic God's Lists of essays 1-6 have each examined in earlier studies the religious environment of the ANE world: a world in which El, Baal, Asherah, and numerous lesser deities constituted the theological grammar of the Levant. Within this environment, Yahweh emerged as one deity among many, associated perhaps with southern regions near Edom or Midian, which gradually ascended in prominence.
The earliest expressions of Yahweh worship reflect a henotheistic (one among many) framework rather than monotheism (monolatry: one supreme deity amongst a pantheon of deities; or, strict monotheism: one deity alone). Yahweh was “the god of Israel,” but not the only god of Israel in existence. Other nations likewise had their own supreme deities and pantheons; their minor deities were not considered fictional but simply not relevant to either Israel’s covenantal identity or the foreign nation's sacred identity. Textual traces of this worldview is visible in the Hebrew Bible itself. Psalm 82 depicts Yahweh presiding over a divine council; Deuteronomy 32 preserves a tradition in which Elyon apportions the nations among the gods; and Genesis, Judges, Samuel, and Kings exhibit a world thick with divine agents, heavenly messengers, and vestiges of polytheistic cosmology (which also explains how-and-where the Jewish and Christian concepts of angels and demons first began to arise).
This religious landscape allows us to understand why the biblical texts bear marks of theological diversity and even conflict. As Yahweh absorbed the roles and epithets of El, displaced Baal in northern cults, and eventually became identified with the supreme deity of Israel, older traditions were not discarded but reinterpreted. These reinterpretations required theological redaction, and redaction required theological imagination and creativity. Scribes writing in different periods adapted earlier narratives to newer theological beliefs and commitments. The result is a canon in which multiple voices coexist, sometimes harmoniously, sometimes in tension.
The Deuteronomistic reforms of the late seventh century BCE intensified this process. Seeking to centralize worship in Jerusalem and eliminate regional cults, reformers reinterpreted older Deuteronomic traditions through a new ideological/reformed lens. Biblical stories were revised; biblical laws were tightened; theological claims were sharpened. Yet even these reforms did not produce a unified system. Instead, they introduced new tensions into the tradition, prompting further reinterpretation during Israel's Babylonian exile and later, post-exilic period.
The presence of such transformations demonstrates the fundamental problem with retroactively imposing a doctrine of inerrancy upon the Hebrew Bible. Inerrancy presupposes a single divine author whose message remains consistent across time. But the historical record reveals a centuries-long process of theological negotiation. The Bible, then, is not the product of a single moment or a single mind; it is the literary expression of evolving religious consciousness. For modern Christians to suppose (or insist) otherwise is but to disappoint, destroy, or fictionalize one's faith... as has been the case with modern Christians coming to realize processual evolution is an actual, real, evident, and modern discovery which older Jewish and Christian faiths did not apprehend in their era.
The next stage of this study requires us to move beyond the ancient West Semitic cultic environment of the Canaanite nations to the broader Mesopotamian world that profoundly shaped Israel’s imagination. From flood traditions and creation myths to legal codes and wisdom literature, Mesopotamia provided many of the conceptual building blocks of the biblical tradition. It is here, in these shared mythologies and literary forms, that the idea of an “inerrant” or perfectly original revelation becomes even more improbable.
III. Mesopotamian Intellectual Inheritance: The Mythic and Literary Foundations of Israel’s Scriptures
If the West Semitic environment shaped Israel’s earliest concepts of deity and cult, the broader Mesopotamian world supplied the deep literary and mythological structures through which Israel articulated its own emerging identity. No civilization exerted more formative influence on the intellectual matrix of the Hebrew Bible than Mesopotamia. From Sumerian and Akkadian epics, to Babylonian legal traditions, to ritual laments, temple hymns, and cosmological narratives, Mesopotamia provided the genres, symbols, and mythic patterns that became woven into Israel’s sacred literature. Understanding this inheritance is indispensable for any accurate reconstruction of how biblical texts were produced—and why they cannot be reconciled with later doctrines of verbal inerrancy.
Mesopotamia was a vast cultural encyclopedia. Over millennia, scribal schools preserved and adapted a rich corpus of stories about the origins of the world, the destinies of kings, the actions of gods, the shape of human purpose, and the nature of justice. These texts circulated widely through the ancient Near East, carried by merchants, diplomats, conquered peoples, and exiled elites. By the late second millennium BCE, when early Israelite identity began to cohere, these stories had already been retold, translated, recombined, and canonized in multiple versions. The very concept of a “text” in Mesopotamia signified multiplicity rather than fixity, a sprawling library of variations rather than a single authoritative account.
The clearest illustration is the flood narrative. The story of a catastrophic deluge, a chosen survivor, a divine warning, the construction of a vessel, the preservation of life, and the sending forth of birds appears in at least three major Mesopotamian traditions—Atrahasis, Gilgamesh, and the Sumerian Flood Story—each with divergent details, purposes, and theological emphases. When the Hebrew Bible adapts this narrative in Genesis 6–9, it does so with unmistakable literary and thematic resonances. Scholars have long noted parallel motifs: the divine decision to limit human lifespan, the command to build a boat with precise dimensions, the gathering of animals, the release of birds, the resting of the vessel on a mountain, and the establishment of a covenant after the waters recede. These parallels do not diminish the theological power of the biblical text; they illuminate its participation in a shared cultural conversation. The flood story is not an isolated revelation but a creative adaptation of a widespread ancient motif.
The same is true of creation narratives. The Enuma Elish, the Babylonian epic of creation, offers a cosmology shaped by divine combat, the establishment of order through the defeat of chaos, and the enthronement of Marduk as king of the gods. While Genesis 1 presents a markedly different theological vision—nonviolent, orderly, demythologized—it nonetheless echoes the same conceptual grammar: primordial waters, divine speech bringing order, the structuring of cosmic space, and the liturgical cadence of creation. These are not signs of plagiarism but of cultural continuity. Israelite authors were immersed in a world whose mythic vocabulary had already been formed.
Legal literature exhibits similar patterns. The Laws of Hammurabi, produced nearly a millennium before the Mosaic traditions were codified, display a sophisticated legal imagination: casuistic formulations, social stratification, concerns for property and injury, and principles of justice embedded within political and theological frameworks. When biblical legal texts—such as those in Exodus, Leviticus, and Deuteronomy—mirror these forms, they do so as participants in a regional legal culture, not as recipients of a wholly unprecedented revelation. Even the famous “eye for an eye” principle appears earlier in Mesopotamian law codes, which treated it as a principle of proportional justice rather than literal retaliation.
Wisdom literature further confirms this interdependence. The Instructions of Šuruppak, Ludlul Bēl Nēmeqi, and the Babylonian Theodicy reflect themes of moral instruction, the unpredictability of suffering, divine inscrutability, and the search for meaning in a world governed by forces beyond human control. The Book of Job, while artistically unique, shares with these Mesopotamian works a profound grappling with divine justice and the human condition. Similarly, Proverbs embodies a moral cosmology that resonates with Egyptian and Mesopotamian didactic texts, suggesting a long tradition of shared pedagogical wisdom.
What becomes clear is that Israelite authors did not invent their literary world ex nihilo. They inherited genres, motifs, theological tensions, and cosmic frameworks that were already ancient. Their task was not to preserve an unchanging revelation but to reinterpret inherited traditions within the unfolding circumstances of Israel’s history: tribal confederation, monarchy, division, conquest, exile, and restoration. Each crisis prompted new adaptations of older stories. Creation was reimagined in light of exile; the flood was retold as a warning against collective violence; legal traditions were reshaped to account for shifting socio-political realities. This dynamic interplay between memory and reinterpretation is the very heart of biblical creativity.
It is also fundamentally incompatible with any notion of inerrancy rooted in textual fixity. Mesopotamian literature itself lacks anything analogous to verbal perfection. Texts exist in multiple recensions, with variant lines, alternative endings, and differences between schools and regions. Scribes updated language, modified narratives, and inserted theological commentary. Israelite scribal culture inherited not only these stories but also the hermeneutical posture that accompanied them: a willingness to adapt, revise, and reinterpret in response to changing needs.
For this reason, the profound Mesopotamian influence on the Hebrew Bible cannot be reconciled with a modern doctrine that assumes direct divine dictation or uniform verbal precision. Instead, it points to a different understanding of revelation—one rooted in process, relationality, and cultural participation. Inspiration operates not through the suspension of history but through immersion in it. The Bible’s sacredness lies not in its isolation from other traditions but in its distinctive transformation of them.
Recognizing this allows us to appreciate the Hebrew Bible as a theological achievement of great depth, not despite its intertextuality but because of it. Its authors engaged their cultural world with creative intelligence and spiritual insight, crafting narratives that reoriented Mesopotamian motifs toward a new vision of divine purpose. To read these texts as inerrant in the modern sense is to disregard the very processes that made them possible.
With the Mesopotamian inheritance in view, we are now prepared to examine the next stage of this complex formation: the redactional artistry through which Israel’s many traditions were woven into the polyphonic tapestry we now call Scripture.